Imagine a world where different political clans fight for increasing their power while ignoring a threat never seen before – and which can annihilate their societies without much consideration for man-made boundaries. The narrative above could be an introduction for the eighth and final season of Game of Thrones, to be released soon, in which the fate of Westeros will be sealed as the army of the dead finally make its way through “The Wall”. It could also be an accurate description of the current state of world politics, where names such as Donald Trump and Jair Bolsonaro wage a war against multilateralism at the moment which we needed it the most. Political distractions as billionaire walls and celebration of past dictatorships occupy their agenda while the real – and potentially irreversible – threats posed by climate change are already in our backyards.
While in HBO’s show the Great Houses fail in addressing the major danger Westeros has ever faced, in real life the scenario is not much different. Those who have historically been the main contributors to climate change do not take the proper actions to offset their actions. In turn, emerging countries like Brazil and China, today’s major emitter of greenhouse gas, use the poor response from developed countries as an excuse to postpone their own actions. Although the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities reinforces emerging countries’ position, they will also be losers if we fail to tackle climate change as a global community. Perhaps the metaphor of white walkers makes it easier to understand why the prisoner’s dilemma strategy of maximizing individual benefits is an illusion. If Westeros lose the war against the white walkers there will be no throne for Cersei or anyone to sit in.
By Fernando Haddad, Isadora Amaral, Paulo Speroni, and Tiago Ciarallo, Editors and Writers of Brazil Talk
[6 min read]
On October 7th, the 2018 General Elections took place in Brazil and 117 million voters elected their legislative and executive representatives at the state and national levels. This descriptive analysis developed by the Brazil Talk team seeks to show who are the legislators and the parties that will govern the country with the future president, who will be elected in the second round on October 28th.
The electoral results for Congress mark the highest renovation since 1990 due to low levels of reelection as well as an increase in the number of parties represented in both the Senate and the House of Representatives. Although renewed in its composition, the new Congress will have a more conservative profile due to the rise of military, religious, ruralists and other segments identified with a conservative agenda and that can influence the legislative process. Despite the fact that results suggest some similar trends in both institutions, the elections had distinct impacts on the composition of the Senate and the House of Representatives. (more…)
This article is part of Brazil Talk’s 2018 Elections Series and is intended to give our readers a deeper understanding of the Brazilian political system, its complex electoral process and gather diverse perspectives and opinions on what the world should expect from Brazil in the upcoming months and the future of the country at the beginning of 2019.
by Pedro Sarvat
[6 min read]
This year, when I finished teaching my last class of the semester in Campo Grande, a city in the state of Mato Grosso do Sul, midwest region of Brazil, I left the school noticing a certain anxiety from students and fellow teachers, not knowing whom to vote for in the next presidential and regional elections this coming October. Despite all the recent corruption scandals involving politicians (e.g., Operation Car Wash) and general discouragement, exercising our right and duty to vote is still one of the tools that allow us to affect change. In this article, I wish to present some of the challenges faced in the public school system and possible solutions on how to overcome them, all of which will demand political action.
Education has a long way from becoming a national priority, despite its capacity of reducing inequalities since there is a direct relationship between years of study and an increase in productivity and income. Assuming its importance is urgent for the country has enormous issues to solve such as an unemployment rate of 12.4% (13 million workers); over 57.000 murders a year (28.5 per 100.000 inhabitants) and a social inequality (51,3 on the GINI Index) that persists since 1960, even with the implementation of public policies aimed at distributing income and fighting hunger (e.g., Bolsa Família Program). In addition, looking at the political landscape also makes Brazilians realize the complexity of the current scenario.
In a country as plural as Brazil, our Congress has a worrisome composition of mainly white men,averaging 58 years old, and a low representation of women and minorities among the political leaders. Women make up only 10% of the House of Representatives and 16% of the Senate. In Brazil, voting is compulsory for citizens 18 years and above, and optional for those between 16 and 18 years old or older than 70. Therefore, promoting opportunities for political participation in school is especially relevant in a country marked by extremes in income levels and opportunities.
Nowadays, as a teacher, I have the privilege of participating in the guidance of young people from public schools who have the potential of achieving the same level of proficiency as the most brilliant minds in the world. However, a significant portion of those who complete primary education in Brazil can’t understand basic information in a world that is ever more complex, interconnected and digital. Around 27% of Brazilians between 15 and 60 years are functionally illiterate, being able to deal only with short and elementary texts. Our students currently rank 66th in Mathematics in the PISA ranking (2015), the primary evaluation of educational systems, behind countries such as Trinidad and Tobago and Moldavia, nations much poorer than ours.
Standardized tests are of great importance, but as a teacher myself, I often wonder if the current educational system in Brazil can develop our students’ non-cognitive competencies. The debate has become more present since the approval of an unprecedented National Common Curriculum Base (BNCC) in 2018. The guide stresses the rights of apprenticeship and the competencies and abilities that students throughout the country should develop during each school year- reinforcing the idea that learning mathematics and Portuguese are just as important as forming resilient, creative, communicative human beings that are capable of working together. In a world where the ability to solve problems and challenges will be more required than ever, remaining with a fragmented and decontextualized teaching in schools may end up privileging wealthier kids who have the conditions to pay for extra-curricular activities that boost such skills, which could considerably contribute to increasing inequality of opportunities for these kids in the future.
Brazil invests in public universities like European countries; however, the investment that goes into primary school is only half the average amount of OECD countries, once again increasing socioeconomic inequalities through an inefficient college admissions system. Those students who were born among the 25% most impoverished Brazilians have less than 7% chance of attending college, while the 25% richest have a 41% chance, a rate closer to those of developed countries such as Finland and Australia. My desire to be closer to the Brazilians who face this inequality daily was the reason why I decided to become a teacher in the first place.
Pedro and his 9th-grade students in Campo Grande, Mato Grosso do Sul, Brazil
Coming from a business background, I began my trajectory in the public education system two years ago through Ensina Brasil, an organization whose mission is to guarantee that “every child has a quality education.” Their program forms a network of people who want to lead changes in the country’s education and is linked to the American “Teach for All”. Having completed all my education in private institutions, I had until recently ignored that the vision of guaranteeing a quality education for all, however inspiring, is not enough to attract young professionals to an increasingly challenging and less attractive career.
Recent research shows that less than 3% of young Brazilians wish to become teachers, which evidence the lack of prestige of the teaching career. Furthermore, of the existing teaching body, a very small number come from thebest universities in the country. In addition, 49% of the teachers don’t recommend their profession: they are overworked and underpaid (a secondary education teacher earns on average US$ 928 per month), and they lack opportunities to continue educating themselves. How can we expect improvement in the learning process if one of the main actors is not recognized by society (and the market) anymore?
In the coming elections, all of us should be thinking about how can local and state governments advance the supply of a quality education where the demand for professors is high, but their geographic distribution is unequal. How can those who obtained a quality education find enough incentives (moral, intellectual or financial) to become teachers and support the rest of the population in their journey as citizens? Given the low appreciation teachers in the country receive, as of now, individuals, families, entrepreneurs, and governments do not recognize education as one of the most important tools in reducing poverty. In 2018, Brazil risks going back to theHunger Map since there are currently more than 14 million Brazilians (7% of the population) living with less than $ 1.5 per capita a day.
In order to change this scenario, the 13 presidential candidates will need to face this enormous challenge head-on. Currently, the responsibilities in Education are shared between the Federal government (Higher Education), State government (High School) and municipalities (Middle and Elementary school), making the allocation of resources and the cost per student in the different stages in the educational system a complicated matter. The three crucial points for the coming years are the implementation of the National Common Curriculum Base (BNCC), the reform of secondary education and the urgent reformulation of the teachers training policy.
Regarding BNCC, the challenge lies in reworking the State and Municipal curricula in the face of the new national guidelines. The Middle School reform has received little public support so far. It needs to gain legitimacy and make the school a more attractive place for the young Brazilian, who is now dealing with the choice between staying in school or entering the job market early.
Teacher training policies in Brazil, which have privileged theoretical over practical knowledge, are in dire need of change. The new curricula require skills and competencies for which many teachers have not been prepared. Because of that, it is essential to advance in strategies to attract, develop and retain the most talented students in the teaching career; and lastly that the teaching systems, both public and private, rethink their strategy of continuous training and that other agents complement the offer of teacher training courses.
Against all odds, I still hope that my students, fellow teachers, and families realize their importance in becoming political/social agents in their communities and that they feel empowered to engage in the struggle for a more participative, equal and just society. We have the opportunity, this October, to begin a process of political renovation – a necessary path to initiate a new cycle based on representation, diversity, and dialogue between political parties and society. Only then will we have a chance of developing long-term public policies based on the idea that quality education can generate, amplify and distribute opportunities for all.
Pedro Sarvat is a member of Ensina Brasil and teacher at E.E Élia França Cardoso and E.E Teotônio Vilela, both schools are in Campo Grande, Mato Grosso do Sul, Brazil.
This article is part of Brazil Talk’s 2018 Elections Series and is intended to give our readers a deeper understanding of the Brazilian political system, its complex electoral process and gather diverse perspectives and opinions on what the world should expect from Brazil in the upcoming months and the future of the country at the beginning of 2019.
By Daniela Campello
[5 min read]
One can hardly understand politics and policymaking in Brazil without considering the boom-bust cycles that are typical of South American economies. Brazil, like most of its neighbors, is a low-savings-commodity-exporting (LSCE) country. As such, its economic performance is highly determined by the behavior of two factors that are beyond government control: the prices of commodities that affect the country’s terms of trade, and U.S. interest rates that largely determine international inflows of capital.
Thus, the most favorable international scenario for Brazil occurs when commodity prices are high and U.S. interest rates are low. In these periods, abundant dollar inflows from trade and finance contribute to faster economic growth with relatively low inflation and boost fiscal expenditures. The worst scenario occurs when the opposite happens – when low commodity prices coincide with the high US interest rates.
New York City is the largest and safest US metropolis[1]. Per capita crime rates have been dropping since the mid-1990s. In 2017, the city recorded its lowest number of homicides since 1950: under 300 murders in a year[2]. As a carioca, it’s difficult to avoid comparing these statistics with Rio de Janeiro, a city notorious for its high criminality rate. In 2016, the city of Rio had 1,909 violent deaths resulting from homicides, robberies and bodily injury followed by death. At the end of 2017, the entire state of Rio saw a record-setting 6,731 violent deaths[3]. It seems that, in terms of public safety, the two cities are polar opposites: a crime rate at record lows on one hand and an alarmingly and increasing high crime rate in the other. The experience exchange between Brazil and the United States in this area is old[4]. However, recent public safety data available at the police departments from the two cities shows that the debate remains as relevant as ever.
It is clear that Rio’s and Brazil’s context is peculiar. Despite a positive economic growth, on average, in the last decade[5], wealth and opportunity inequality is still considerable[6]: in 2017, the richest 10% of the population concentrated 55% of the national income. Add to that political instability and low priority of criminal justice reform. Drug use by Brazilians is growing and much of Brazil’s violence and criminality are linked to organized crime. Further, a disproportionate number of young black men are arrested and prosecuted for diverse crimes: while 53% of the Brazilian population over 15 years declare themselves black, 64% of prisoners are black. Of every 100 homicides in Brazil, 71 are within the black population[7]. Although socio-political factors are somewhat different, is it possible to learn from the American experience?
