We are working on it. And it is coming soon!
We are working on it. And it is coming soon!
by Camila Jordan, Co-Editor and Writer at Brazil Talk
Post Rio 2016 Olympics reflection on the Legacy left by the Olympics
Hosting the Olympics games is sold to the general population as if hosts cities would continue to benefit from investments and improvements made specifically for them. Proponents of the games will say, for example, that investments made for the mega event will bring benefits across the social spectrum through the building of infrastructures, such as public transportation, social housing, and cleanup of polluted areas. However, this is not the whole truth. Some improvements do happen, but the final balance is not positive, as this last edition in Rio de Janeiro has once again proven.
Rio’s metropolitan area has a serious housing deficit problem, and hosting big events like the World Cup and the Olympics exacerbated the issue, forcing more than 22.000 families out of their homes, often through provisional and inhuman housing solutions. Under Mayor Eduardo Paes, Rio suffered the biggest displacement operation in its history, with the eviction of around 77.200 people. In the beginning of the removals, families were given one week’s notice to move out with merely R$6.000 compensation. Violence was used if the families offered resistance causing deep trauma. Some people even moved back to their longtime communities after evictions, exposing themselves to dangerous situations.
At the same time, much needed social housing projects are not coming into fruition. Some of the evicted communities have been in place for over 40 years, during which time were abandoned and ignored by the government.
According to the World Cup and Olympics Popular Committee of Rio the mega-events were used as an excuse by the government and big construction companies to “clean up” favelas located in extremely valuable areas, aiming to profit from real estate appreciation and transportation improvements in the region.
Furthermore, many people have been questioning why there always seems to be a lack of investment in education, health, and other pressing issues. In the past years, sports facilities in underprivileged communities have been closed. The Célio de Barros Stadium, that had the best training tracks in the city, closed in January 2013 leaving hundreds of children and Olympic athletes without a place to practice. After popular manifestations the city government decided to remodel it, construction is planned to be concluded in 2017.
In spite of these problems, Brazil was able to deliver two mega events leaving an overall positive image to the world. However, do Brazilians question themselves about the not so surprising misallocation of resources and capability? Brazil has the tools and resources to end poverty and inequality, unfortunately, big interests, aka corruption, prevent structural changes, keeping the poor away from opportunities of participating fully in society, not being able to fulfill their rights and duties as citizens.
“This is a missed opportunity. We are not showcasing ourselves. With all these economic and political crises, with all these scandals, it is not the best moment to be in the eyes of the world. This is bad.”
– Former Mayor Eduardo Paes
The Olympics was another chance Rio and Brazil missed. This was even admitted by the former Mayor, although he did not acknowledge any responsibility on, for example, all human rights violations committed in the name of the event during that period. In addition, the infrastructure built for the event will have an annual cost of R$ 59 million, of which the federal state that filed for bankruptcy and had its governor arrested on corruption charges pledged to pay R$ 46 million.
The Olympics are over and Rio’s image sold across the world as an inclusive city has washed away on the still polluted beaches of Copacabana.
A famous Brazilian artist once said that “Brazil is not for amateurs”. Indeed, learning how to navigate Rio is not an easy task. After the euphoria of the games and despite everything mentioned above, I personally feel that people’s awareness has grown. The games shed light on issues that beforehand, were easily dismissed over who won the latest football match. Many social movements were born out of these difficulties and injustices, and their legacy will remain and they will continue fighting for long lasting inclusive change in the city.
 “Dossiê do Comitê Popular da Copa e Olimpíadas do Rio de Janeiro” (Nov 2015, Portuguese version) | Mega-Events and Human Rights Violations in Rio de Janeiro Dossier (Nov 2015, English version)
On February 6-7, the Lemann Center for Brazilian Studies at Columbia University and the Janey Program in Latin American Studies at the New School for Social Research, in New York will bring together leading practitioners, scholars and high-profile public officers to discuss the effects of Carwash Operation in Brazil’s current and future institutional framework. What has changed so far in terms of political, policy and business practices? For how long? Is there room for further institutional improvements? Is the system reformable? How is the Operation helping to support a market-based development agenda grounded on the rule of law? How are national and foreign investors reacting to these changes and challenges? What comes next for Brazil?
Featured Guest Speakers
Cármen Lúcia Antunes Rocha is the Chief Justice of the Brazilian Supreme Court.
Sérgio Fernando Moro is a Brazilian federal judge who has gained national and international fame for commanding the prosecution of the crimes identified in the investigation nicknamed Operação Lava-Jato (Carwash, in English), a corruption probe involving government officials and business executives.
Paulo Roberto Galvão is a Brazilian federal prosecutor, member of the Carwash Operation Task Force which negotiates plea bargains with high-profile politicians and businessmen accused of wrongdoings.
For more information please visit the event’s official page:
by Ana Carolina C D’Agostini
We all know deep in our hearts that wearing uniforms is a method of control. One of the aims of school is to get you used to the idea of obeying orders and to make you biddable. Sitting in rows, getting there on time, changing activity every 40 minutes, were useful if you were going to cannon fodder of factory fodder or office fodder. But it isn’t so useful these days, when there is more call for creativity.
Bullying embodies a common phenomenon which can be extremely damaging for students’ mental health and academic accomplishment. Bullying is centered on a “subset of aggressive behavior that has potential to cause physical or psychological harm to the recipient” and it includes “noxious and constant actions by one individual against another that can be even not so easily recognizable, as it comprises exclusion and repudiation from a group”. A range of existing work and theories depict bullies and victims as part of childhood and adolescence, especially in schools. In addition, common sense seems to dictate that “few individuals navigate their way through adolescence without being teased and bullied”.
This phenomenon has not been well investigated in research in Brazil as the predominant assumption is that bullying within relationships between children is inescapable. A closer examination of this matter can broaden our understanding that it might not be mere coincidence that bullying, as a form of violence, frequently occurs in schools. The current findings and theories on bullying bring to light the difficulty of explaining bullying behavior, particularly when addressing why would bullies act violently against their victims in an environment that was supposedly created for their education, development and well-being.
Bullying is an intense attitude among early adolescents because “students who bully do so to attain social position and maintain control over others”. Moreover, there is a solid relationship between anger and bullying behavior, as there is also the absence of being capable of making use of “nonviolent strategies, such as talking out a disagreement, as well as lack of intentions to use those strategies”. 
This initial description about bullying fosters the debate into those aspects related to violence and to hatred. Data shows that more than 20.8% of elementary, middle school and high school students have suffered bullying at school in Brazil. Like other forms of aggression, bullying occurs in a social context. This raises an important point to further investigate what is it so particular about schools that makes this kind of violence arise?
Schools have consistently been the instrument of society’s need to convert children into adults with most definite and objective means and leave childhood behind. As an ultimate goal, children need to have to conform to adulthood that intends “to direct them away from childhood freedoms and toward adult beliefs and practices”, and to follow standards which “have little to do with the child but rather what the child must become”. Along the same lines, schooling throughout history has regularly presented a steadfast battle “between education for control in order to produce citizens and workers who were conformist, passive and politically docile” opposed to educating for “critical consciousness, individual liberation and participatory democracy” .
A significant number of students feel unsafe at school due to bullying but do not seek assistance because they have the impression that teachers and administrators will not do anything about the aggression. This piece of evidence calls attention to the fundamental role that school’s staff play in preventing bullying behavior, as victims can “be taught appropriate self-assertion techniques and interactive skills”. Bullies need to be aware of the implication of public policies that should be made known to all students and parents before school begins, such as “bullying is a social process that requires a concerted reaction from teachers, parents and other pupils”.
An analysis of how the educational system was implemented and the significance of schools showed that such places have consistently been instruments of control that “clearly our Puritan ancestors utilized schools such as they were to contain the potentially disastrous inclinations of youth”. Similarly, authoritarianism can be seen as a basis on which most schools function, “where pupil’s rights, needs and feelings can too readily be ignored or suppressed and where it is difficult for teachers and pupils to act independently and to critique and challenge dominant social and political orthodoxies”. On the same line of thought, education in a more extensive sense shows the presence of power as a source of symbolic violence, which includes the “imposition of a cultural arbitrary by an arbitrary power”, a pedagogic authority. In a concurrent view, there is strong evidence that most schools function in an authoritarian rather than democratic form, and that “education in democracy, human rights and critical awareness is not a primary characteristic of the majority of schooling”.
As an alternative to this problem, a “pedagogy of discomfort” aims to invite students and educators to examine the fear of change in the educational environment that activates emotions and discomforts arising from questioning old assumptions. As a result, adjustments and changes in the educational system are slowed. To solve this issue, a collective critical inquiry from both educators and students, could help them “engage in collective self-reflection regarding the reasons for our emotions”.
In addressing bullying, the notions of peace education were implemented in one project in England and the authors concluded that this model offered an interesting perspective to violence in schools as it proposed the acquisition of learning interpersonal skills to reduce violence and hatred. This model points out to the importance of establishing goals to discuss the appropriate “values for the practice of conflict resolution, communication and co-operation in relation to issues of peace, war, violence, conflict and injustice”.
Putting things together, there are a number of different approaches to troubling questions about bullying. These questions concern authority and arbitrary power as frequent themes when discussing conditions that can produce violence at school. Authoritarianism and arbitrary power leave no space for discussion and dialogue of student’s learning processes, as the adult-centered perspective yield absolute power and uncontested knowledge. Furthermore, the shortened childhood and the difficulty in addressing student’s feelings at schools are potential roots of manifestations of violence in the educational systems.
Bullying is a prevailing phenomenon that should not be underestimated. Despite the many rather simplistic views in society that bullying is “normal” and expected to take place during school years, the fact is that this complex scenario may contribute to the understanding that students may have reasons to be “angry” with schools.
Ana Carolina C D’Agostini holds a degree in Psychology and Education. She is currently a Master’s student in Psychology in Education at Columbia University. She believes education is the most crucial area to accelerate social change and for the development of Brazil.
 Times Educational Supplement, UK, 3/10/2003
 Bosworth, Espelage and Simon, 1999, p.343
 Olweus, 1991
 Leary, Kowalski, Smith and Phillips, 2003, p.211
 Bosworth et al.,1999, p.358
 Bosworth et al.,1999, p.358
 Ministério da Saúde e do Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (IBGE), 2015
 Zucherman, 1997, p.127
 Zucherman, 1997, p.127
 Harber and Sackade, 2009, p.173
 Batsche and Knoff, 1994, p.80
 Zuckerman, p.1997, p.133
 Harber, 2004, p.20
 Bourdieu and Passeron, 1990, p.05
 Harber et al. , 2009, p.172
 Boler, 1999, p.192
 Harber et al., 2009, p.174
On October 2, 2009, Brazil was announced the winner of the 2016 Summer Olympic bid in Copenhagen, Denmark.
President Lula, holding a handkerchief over his watering eyes, famously wept tears of joy, later proclaiming, “The world has recognized that the time has come for Brazil.”
Brazil is the first South American country to win an Olympic bid, and consistent social and economic growth has helped make this victory possible. From 1980 to present, Brazil’s Human Development Index has increased dramatically from low human development at 0.547 to high with 0.755. The mean years of schooling has more than quadrupled since the mid-80’s, allowing access to education for millions more Brazilians than was previously possible.
Despite the country’s relative economic and social success in the past thirty years, a myriad of issues still plague the upward development of Brazil. One such issue has caste an international spotlight on Brazil, and that is none other than systematic and rampant corruption.
Operation Lava Jato, the federal investigation of corruption allegations from state-owned oil company, Petrobras, has received worldwide publicity. The New York Times estimates that bribes total over 3 billion USD, and news sources note the investigation has resulted in at least 80 individual charges, 117 indictments, and 13 criminal cases with companies. Media coverage has only intensified in scrutiny as allegations purport that Brazilian police involved in Operation Lava Jato plan to investigate over 10 billion USD in corrupt construction contracts linked to Olympic infrastructure. In total, the amount of money lost connected to Petrobras alone exceeds the 2014 GDP of Liberia, and while the world scrupulously watches the scandal unfold, corruption of another kind remains hidden.
In August 2015, Lidiane Leite da Silva—ex-mayor of Bom Jardim, a rural northeastern municipality—fled her mayoral post after allegations of embezzling 4 million USD in educational funds earmarked for school meals and infrastructure. Leite is notorious for governing Bom Jardim from a distance in the capital of São Luis by using Whatsapp to communicate with staff. Parents consistently stated their children did not receive school meals while Leite was in office, leaving children without an important source of daily sustenance for many in rural areas. Instead, Leite flaunted her wealth on Instagram as she used public finances for personal gain at the expense of children obtaining resources for an adequate, accessible education.
Education became dramatically more accessible after 1998 with the establishment of FUNDEF, the Fund for Maintenance and Development of Basic Education and the Valorization of Educational Professionals. Given vast socioeconomic differences between the 26 Brazilian states, the federal government established a pool of funds to equalize educational expenditures nationwide and establish spending minimums. States contribute three-fifths of state revenues to the federal government, and money is redistributed back to municipalities based on need.
Unfortunately, oversight and transparency councils that monitor education spending are ineffective, poorly resourced, and frequently captured by local politicians. A lack of accountability in public education spending allows politicians like Leite to easily embezzle funds, and at least four corruption scandals demonstrate the frequency of corruption occurring within the Brazilian public education system.
São Paulo, Bahia, Amapá, and Maranhão are four states, among others, that have been federally investigated by police and the Comptroller General of the Union, the federal anti-corruption branch, for widespread corruption of educational funds from 2007 to present. Examination of the scandals using local media sources and police documents reveals total losses of roughly 83 million USD. With this money, 103, 750 additional primary school students could have enrolled in school using 2010 federal minimum spending estimates and urban school construction plans. This equates to closing roughly 133 medium size urban primary schools for one year due to these four corruption scandals alone. The scandals vary in severity and dollar amount from 15 million in Bahia and 59 million in Amapá; however, one aspect they all have in common is the potential to decrease educational attainment for children studying in municipalities where corruption is present.
Of the four analyzed states, there is a strong correlation between students studying in areas where corruption occurs and underperformance in schools. Analysis using Brazilian Ministry of Education data shows that of the 31 named municipalities affected by corruption in schools, 68% of the time students did not meet their educational goals. With millions of dollars being siphoned off to public officials for private gain, corruption in education puts children at the risk of being denied access to educational resources that help support their human development. Harkening back to Brazil’s social and economic growth, the government will need to address corruption scandals in all sectors of Brazilian society if it wishes to continue to support the full potential of its citizen base. Ensuring all educational investments reach students and schools and not corrupted public officials is a solid first step to reforming a public education system plagued with teacher dissatisfaction and high drop out rates.
A public education sector permeated with corruption has left the country in a difficult situation. Brazil is equally as successful as it is troubled. From one angle, the world praises Brazil for its rapid development and international undertaking to host the Olympics. From another, international media attention and investigations surrounding Petrobras and mega-events expose corruption scandals, leaving others hidden. While necessary measures must be addressed to resolve publicized corruption scandals, corruption in the Brazilian public education system poses a real threat to the future development of the country.
 The Ministry of Education sets educational goals using the Index of Basic Education and Development (IBED). The index is calculated using national test scores and passing rates, and geographical units—such as states, municipalities, or individual schools—are assigned an index goal to meet.